In our previous OBJET! post, COURTESANS & OBJET we explored how luxury objects functioned as more than just beautiful things—they were social and cultural tools wielded by the elite courtesan classes of France and India. These objects signified status, taste, and power, and their possession and display were deeply intertwined with the identities and influence of the women who owned them.

This week, in part two of our courtesan-objet series, COURTESANS AS OBJET, we shift our focus from objects owned by courtesans to the courtesans themselves as living objets—objects of desire, status, and aesthetic value. We’ll be highlighting the structural parallels between courtesans and luxury objects (objets d’art) across historical contexts, with particular attention to ancient Greece and Edo Japan.

Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital and Da’shaun Harrison’s framework of desire capital & desire/ability politics, I believe that these parallels reveal fundamental mechanisms of patriarchal economies where both women and objects are transformed into aesthetic commodities.

The courtesan’s paradoxical position—educated like the elite yet excluded from their ranks—also offers critical insights into the construction of social class, the commodification of cultural capital, and the economics of beauty as currency. By exploring the shared characteristics of courtesans and luxury objects, this blog post aims to illuminate how systems of desirability determine access to social, political, and economic power, while simultaneously relegating certain bodies to positions of ornamental value.

The Evolution of the Courtesan

The term “courtesan” first gained currency in early sixteenth-century Venice, derived from the Italian cortegiano (courtier). It originally described women associated with the opulent, morally ambiguous Papal Court in Rome—a world where Renaissance popes, despite their vows of celibacy, often kept mistresses. The Papal Court’s Master of Ceremonies, who orchestrated their presence, famously referred to them as “our respectable prostitutes.” Yet many of these women transcended this label, accumulating significant wealth, influence, and even political power.

*Four Courtesans and Three Gentlemen*, by Giovanni Cariani (1519)

The etymology of “courtesan” traces back further, to fourteenth-century Rome, where cortigiano (courtier) evolved into a female form with a distinct meaning. The French courtisane emerged from this lineage, eventually giving rise to the English “courtesan.” However, the tradition of elite female companions predates the Renaissance. In ancient Greece, the hetaerae were highly educated, cultured women who offered not just sexual companionship but also intellectual and artistic engagement. Similarly, in Japan, the oiran and geisha occupied complex roles as entertainers, artists, and arbiters of taste making them more than objects of sexual desire.

OIRAN READING A LETTER (Keisai Eisen)
N.1 abuna-e woodblock print
Year: 1817

Throughout history, patriarchal societies have developed elaborate systems for the classification, valuation, and exchange of both objects and women. Within these systems, high-class courtesans and objets d’art occupy remarkably similar positions as refined commodities that simultaneously serve practical, aesthetic, and social functions. Both are meticulously crafted to appeal to elite tastes, both require significant investment to acquire and maintain, and both serve as visible manifestations of their owner’s or patron’s wealth, refinement, and social power.

I personally find these parallels not only to be coincidental similarities but as structural features of patriarchal economies of desire, where beauty functions as currency and aesthetic pleasure becomes a purchasable commodity.

So yes, since this is an objet post, we’re going to be looking at some beautiful things but this post is also going to be highlighting aesthetics, desirability politics, and the constructed boundaries between beauty and ugliness. By analyzing the shared characteristics of courtesans and luxury objects ”Objet”—their creation, presentation, valuation, exchange, and cultural significance—we can better understand the mechanisms through which women have been transformed into living ornaments within systems designed primarily to serve male interests and perpetuate male power.

Theoretical Framework

Bourdieu’s Cultural Capital and the Courtesan

Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital provides a useful framework for understanding the courtesan’s unique economic and social position. Bourdieu identified three forms of cultural capital: embodied (personal dispositions and knowledge), objectified (cultural goods), and institutionalized (formal qualifications). The courtesan occupies a fascinating intersection of these forms—simultaneously embodying cultural capital through her refined manners, artistic skills, and intellectual cultivation; objectifying cultural capital through her carefully crafted appearance and performances; yet typically lacking the institutionalized cultural capital that would grant her legitimate social status.

A courtesan’s education might include literature, poetry, music, dance, etiquette, and conversation—all skills designed to appeal to elite male patrons. Yet this cultural capital, while allowing her to move in elite circles, simultaneously marked her as different from “respectable” women.

HIERARCHIES OF SEX WORK AND THE ECONOMICS OF LUXURY

Before examining specific cultural contexts, it is essential to understand that courtesans represented only the elite tier within broader hierarchies of sex work. Across cultures and time periods, clear distinctions existed between common prostitutes and high-status courtesans, with multiple gradations between these extremes. A woman's position within this hierarchy determined her access to luxury goods, her ability to accumulate wealth, and her opportunities for financial security in later life. Da’shsun Harrison’s framework of “desire/ability politics” that he presents in his book Belly of the Beast offers another critical lens through which to examine the courtesan’s position and also adds another layer to Pierre Bordieus ideas about cultural capital.

Harrison defines desire/ability politics as “the methodology through which the sovereignty of those deemed (conventionally) Attractive/Beautiful is determined.” In other words, it is the system that determines who gains and holds both social and structural power through Desire, often predicated on various forms of structural violence.

Harrison articulates that desire capital extends beyond simply being desired; it concerns “one’s ability to always already be positioned as the very embodiment of the thing(s) that make(s) one Desire/able.” Within this framework, “Desire, Beauty, Prettiness, and Ugliness are seen as things to be traded and saved as with any other economy.” This concept of desire capital helps explain the courtesan’s paradoxical position—being positioned as the pinnacle of desire within an exploitative system, having high desire capital within specific contexts while simultaneously being excluded from full personhood.

As Harrison notes, “as with all capital, one can embody identities that are valued in modern society and still also hold identities that are marginalized.” This complexity is evident in the historical position of courtesans, who often wielded significant influence through their desirability while remaining fundamentally disempowered within broader social structures.

JAPAN

OIRAN: TAYŪ

In Japan's highly regulated pleasure districts, a strict hierarchy organized female entertainers into distinct categories with specific rights and responsibilities. The yujo (play women) occupied the lowest tiers, working in simple brothels. Above them were the sancha-jorō who could entertain in teahouses rather than only in brothels. Higher still were the tsūji-jorō who had more freedom and better accommodations. At the apex stood the tayū and later the oiran—high-ranking courtesans who combined artistic accomplishment with carefully restricted sexual availability.

By the Edo period (1603-1868), this system had evolved into the complex ranking system of the Yoshiwara pleasure district, with clear distinctions between high-ranking courtesans and common sex workers .

The predecessors of the oiran were the tayū, the highest-ranking courtesans who reigned until the mid-1700s. The oiran & Tayu stood as the most prestigious courtesans, cultural icons whose influence extended far beyond the pleasure districts. They represented the apex of a rigidly structured system where the vast majority of sex workers occupied far less privileged positions.

While the Tayu & oiran enjoyed celebrity status and relatively comfortable lives with luxurious possessions and superior education, they represented only a tiny fraction of Yoshiwara's sex workers. Records from 1642 show just 106 courtesans of the upper tiers compared to 881 lower-ranking prostitutes. The vast majority of women working in Yoshiwara—including the "moat-side prostitutes" at the bottom of the hierarchy—experienced much harsher conditions with none of the glamour or privileges afforded to the elite oiran.

FASHION

Wealthy patrons who earned a tayū's favor would provide her with seasonal wardrobes four times annually—kimonos crafted from sumptuous materials like silk satin, brocade, velvet, and fine ramie. These garments featured exquisite patterns including floral motifs, water scenes, and landscapes created with sophisticated dyeing techniques and embroidery using silk and metallic threads.

The material culture of these elite Japanese courtesans reflected their complex social positioning and economic strategies. The oiran's distinctive appearance featured multiple kimono layers that simultaneously concealed and accentuated her figure, while an obi emphasized her waist. Initially, only women selling sexual services wore their obi tied in front, but the oiran's fashion influence was so profound that eventually even high-ranking military wives adopted this style as a fashion statement. Their appearance—characterized by flamboyant hairstyles, multilayered kimonos, and specialized makeup—represented the pinnacle of aesthetic sophistication, requiring hours of preparation and substantial financial investment.

Main Garments:

- Multiple layers of kimono (sometimes up to 12)

- Outer kimono (uchikake) with extravagant designs, often featuring gold embroidery and bright colors

- High-quality silk brocade fabrics

- Extra-long obi tied at the front rather than back

Footwear:

- Extremely tall wooden sandals (koma geta or "pokkuri") often 7-9 inches high

- Required assistance to walk in these towering platforms

Hair and Headdress:

- Elaborate coiffure called "hyogo mage" or "taka shimada"

- Multiple ornate hair ornaments (kanzashi)

- Decorative hairpins (kogai)

- Tortoiseshell combs

Accessories:

- Long tobacco pipe (kiseru)

- Lacquer smoking box (tabako-bon)

- Ceremonial dagger hidden in the obi

Makeup:

- Face powder creating a stark white complexion

- Red makeup around eyes and eyebrows

- Small red lipstick only on lower lip

The entire ensemble was designed to be visually striking, display wealth, and intentionally make movement difficult - reinforcing the high status of these women.

Oiran training involved years of rigorous instruction in classical arts, refined speech patterns, and elaborate cosmetic practices. They often documented poetry, ceremonies, etiquette, and customs not only out of an appreciation for aesthetics but also because the political culture required such knowledge as a practical necessity in court life.

HIGH SOCIETEA & THE DECORATIVE ARTS

They were celebrated as fashion innovators and cultural luminaries, residing in refined "ageya" (houses of assignation) with interiors rivaling the most sophisticated Edo homes, complete with hanging scroll art, shelves of valuable curios, study alcoves, and elegant gardens.

The tayū advertised their services through ceremonial processions through Yoshiwara (the licensed pleasure district), performing a distinctive slow, exaggerated figure-eight walk in elevated wooden clogs. With whitened faces and elaborately styled hair, they showcased their magnificent attire which was a visual testament to both their status and their patrons' wealth.

Oiran and Kamuro at a Tayu Procession, c. 1910
Album / Pictures From History/Universal Images Group

A wealthy patron would gift a courtesan personalized bedding, including sumptuous futons and covers, claiming a unique relationship with her. Early in the Edo period, these often included kimono-shaped yogi (similar to large sleeping bags) made of silk or cotton with removable wadding. The ageya would prominently display these linens to showcase their patrons' affluence and inspire competitive gift-giving among other clients—a strategy that generated excitement and increased potential income.

Access to a tayū required elaborate social protocols. A prospective client couldn't approach her directly but needed an intermediary to arrange a series of interviews where he would entertain both the courtesan and her attendants.

The effect of this cultivated and extravagant style of being paired with a refined courtly language, produced a tension that was so seductive primarily because it was often unfamiliar or used openly.

OBJET!

When the last tayū disappeared in the mid-1700s, they were succeeded by the oiran. A sex worker elevated to this rank received gifts befitting an aristocratic bride: a lacquered chest, mirror stand, and cosmetic boxes. By this time, these courtesans had become such powerful style influencers that even wives of upper-class men visited Yoshiwara solely to observe the oiran processions.

In Kobayakawa Kiyoshi's painting of a Nagasaki courtesan, we see her posed in front of a Nanban screen within a chamber of her brothel. The space is replete with precious objects that indicate her elevated status within the brothel hierarchy.

The painting presents a carefully composed scene of luxury: the courtesan stands on a red wool carpet with cross-shaped motifs, while behind her stands an expensive "daimyo clock" on a Chinese lacquer stand inlaid with mother-of-pearl. Such timepieces were typically only affordable to the samurai elite and almost certainly represented a gift from a wealthy patron. The clock served both practical and symbolic functions, tracking the hours correlated to the twelve signs of the Asian zodiac visible on its face.

Additional luxury items populate the space: a red lacquer stand with sake cups of Japanese origin, a blue cut-glass vessel, a wooden stand bearing stacked round pounded-rice cakes topped with a tangerine (signaling the New Year season), and a ceramic jardiniere featuring an antelope design—another exotic import—holding peacock feathers. Each element in this visual composition speaks to the courtesan's success, cultural sophistication, and connection to international trade networks.

For Japanese courtesans, these objects served crucial economic functions beyond status display. Unlike courtesans in other cultures who might eventually gain independence, Japanese courtesans typically operated under contracts that bound them to brothel owners, often through debts that could take years to repay. Within this restrictive system, personal possessions (particularly valuable gifts from patrons) constituted a form of personal wealth that might eventually contribute to purchasing freedom. Documentary evidence from the Yoshiwara district reveals that successful courtesans strategically accumulated gifts with high resale value, particularly kimono, hairpins (kanzashi), and lacquerware, which could be converted to cash in emergencies or used to negotiate better conditions within the brothel system.

Detailed inventories from the late Edo period show that retiring courtesans often established small businesses, particularly tea houses or textile shops, using luxury goods acquired during their careers as starting capital. Even within Japan's highly regulated system, they found ways to leverage their material possessions for economic advantage and post-career survival.

NOTABLE OIRAN & TAYUS

Takao II (高尾, 1640 – December 5, 1659)

Takao II, also known as Sendai Takao or Manji Takao, was a tayū in the famed Yoshiwara district of Edo. She debuted in 1655 as the leading courtesan of the prestigious Great Miura brothel. Her beauty, intelligence, and artistic skills quickly made her the most sought-after and celebrated courtesan in Yoshiwara.

• Rise to Fame: Takao II’s allure was so powerful that she became the leading courtesan not just of her brothel, but of the entire district.

• Cultural Icon: Her life and tragic fate—she died at just 19—became the subject of countless stories, plays, and artworks. She was admired for her elegance, poetic talent, and the high standards she maintained.

• Legacy: Takao II’s story is often cited as a symbol of the fleeting beauty and tragic glamour of the Yoshiwara courtesan world.

Yoshino Tayū (吉野太夫)

Yoshino Tayū is considered the most famous tayū in Japanese history, living in the 17th century. She worked in Kyoto’s Shimabara district, which, like Yoshiwara, was a center of refined pleasure and culture.

• Renowned for Talent: Yoshino Tayū was celebrated not only for her beauty but also for her mastery of poetry, calligraphy, music, and dance. She was the epitome of the cultured courtesan.

• Cultural Influence: Her reputation attracted poets, artists, and even feudal lords, making her a muse for many works of art and literature.

• Enduring Fame: To this day, Yoshino Tayū is remembered as the archetype of the ideal courtesan—graceful, intelligent, and artistically accomplished.

GREECE

HETAIRA: MEGALOMISTHOI

The hetaira occupied a unique social position in ancient Athens—a high-class companion who existed outside conventional female roles. Unlike the ordinary Athenian woman, confined strictly to domestic life, the hetaira participated actively in male-dominated intellectual and social spheres. First appearing in Herodotus, the term emerged during the archaic period to designate both a status and set of behaviors.

The hetairai formed a sophisticated class clearly distinguished from lower-status sex workers like the pornai (common sex workers from which our word "pornography" derives) and various street workers described colorfully as "bridge-women," "runners," "wanderers," "alley-treaders," and "ground-beaters." A step above were the auletrides—flute girls who provided both musical entertainment and sexual services at symposia.

True hetairai, however, served as "companions" (the literal Greek meaning) at these gatherings. Their value extended beyond physical attributes to include witty conversation and intellectual engagement. The most exceptional—the megalomisthoi or "big-fee" hetairai like Phyrne, Laïs the elder, Laïs the younger, Thais, Sinope, and Aspasia —achieved such fame that their words and deeds survived in literature.Hetairai could achieve such status that shrines were erected in their honor, as with Pythionike (mistress of Harpalus) and Belestiche (mistress of Ptolemy II).

According to sex in the ancient world by John g Younger The earliest known hetaira, aside from the legendary concubine Semiramis, was Doricha (also called Rhodopis) of Naukratis (circa 600 BCE), who was reportedly purchased by Sappho’s brother, Kharaxos, causing Sappho much distress. Notable hetairai from the fifth century BCE include Thargelia of Miletos, who influenced Thessaly’s alliance with Persia, Aspasia (the companion of Pericles), Habrotonon of Thrace (mother of Themistokles), and Theodote, who was associated with both Socrates and Alcibiades. In the fourth century BCE, famed hetairai included Lais, Phryne, and Neaira. Some, like “Klepsydra” (the Water-Clock), even inspired comedies and were known for timing their sessions.

The strict seclusion of wives created space for hetairai to wield influence through emotional and intellectual connections far more powerful than what sexual availability alone could provide.

LUXURY CULTURE

Rebecca Futo Kennedy suggests that hetairai were not prostitutes or courtesans at all, but rather "elite women who participated in sympotic and luxury culture" (Kennedy, 2015).

In ancient Greece specifically, luxury culture emerged as a significant social force during the Archaic period (800-480 BCE) and flourished throughout the Classical (480-323 BCE) and Hellenistic periods (323-31 BCE). This coincided with increased trade networks that brought exotic goods—Persian textiles, Egyptian fragrances, and precious metals—into Greek cities. The consumption of these luxury items became intertwined with elite identity and social standing.

In ancient Athens, a society deeply stratified by wealth and status, one of the most striking economic phenomena was the remarkable prosperity achieved by high-earning prostitutes—the megalomisthoi or "big earners." These individuals, primarily women but also including some men, commanded fees that dramatically exceeded typical Athenian wages and accumulated wealth that rivaled the city's elite. Their economic and social position reveals much about Athenian commerce, gender dynamics, and social mobility.

HIGH SOCIETEA

To understand the immense nature of sex workers earnings of the period, you need to understand the typical wage scale in Athens. officials and skilled construction workers generally received approximately one drachma per day (equivalent to six obols), with compensation beyond 2.5 drachmas being essentially unheard of in most professions. Against this backdrop, the fees commanded by sex workers appear extraordinary.

A "high-class and socially acceptable hetaira" commanded a minimum of two drachmas for a single encounter—potentially much more depending on her "age, attractions, mood at the moment, and the resources and urgency of the customer." One woman was even nicknamed "Two-Drachmas" for consistently obtaining this fee. Even these rates pale in comparison to the extravagant sums paid to the megalomisthoi

The material prosperity of free Athenian sex workers is a recurrent theme in ancient literature. A Greek aphorism envisioned the god "Wealth" (*Plutus*) as permanently encamped in the homes of noted hetairai. The elevated compensation commanded by many free hetairai funded the decadent lives described in contemporary accounts. For patrons, hetairai were incarnations of luxurious living, and maintaining a courtesan suggested the patron possessed considerable wealth. Infact, the destruction of sizeable estates is often attributed to involvement with courtesans.

The megalomisthoi, Gnathainion generally demanded 100 drachmas nightly, while her mother (or grandmother) Gnathaina reportedly asked 1,000 drachmas from a Persian royal official. Also certain market phenomena increased fees further. Customers would pay premium rates for relations with women of "seemingly bourgeois pretension" (*epi proskhêmatos tinos*) living in stable marital relationships and according to some accounts, the "sublime courtesans" (*hetairai semnotatai*) invited to consort with high-ranking Theban military leaders at the Aphrodisia appear to have been married women of elite status.

The prosperity of sex workers attracted the attention of the Athenian state, which in the fourth century faced pressing financial needs. A prostitutional tax (*pornikon telos*), a per capita charge, was levied on all persons "practicing the trade" (*khrômenoi têi ergasiai*). The megalomisthoi found themselves obligated to pay the *eisphora*, a recurring "extraordinary" tax on property imposed only on the several hundred richest inhabitants of Attika. Several female sex workers at Athens often provided financial support to male dependents. A megalomisthoi called, Theodoti reportedly paid for the burial of her client Alkibiadês, who was actually from an aristocratic family; Big earner Phrynê' financially supported Gryllion, a member of the elite Areopagos Council, and philosopher Satyros was supported by the megalomisthoi, Pamphila.

Material Culture

The grandeur of the megalomisthoi establishments and their conspicuous consumption were frequently noted. Theodotê's establishment was described as palatial to a visiting Athenian of moderate means.Beyond financial compensation, wealthy patrons were expected to provide gifts of expensive jewelry, clothing, and servants to the megalomisthoi

OBJET:

Free hetaira enjoyed sumptuous personal possessions, flaunting gold and jewels and usually accompanied by several servants. Elite Athenian women reportedly envied the visible luxury, extensive gold jewelry, and fine clothing of the hetaira. Their possessions often included prestigious items like the gold griffin-headed drinking vessels and ornaments that were status symbols among Achaemenid Persian elites—objects with which Athenians became increasingly familiar after the Greco-Persian wars (499–449 BCE).

Literary sources, iconography, and archaeological findings confirm that wealthy Greeks and Macedonians possessed solid gold and silver vessels, jewelry, and utensils. Intaglios—meticulously crafted gemstones with intricate negative reliefs—were highly prized luxury items. Cameos with raised relief designs appeared around the 3rd century BCE as trade routes expanded following Alexander's conquests.

Greek earrings were highly detailed pieces that symbolized beauty, status, and cultural identity. As society grew more affluent, demand increased for luxurious objects, particularly gold jewelry. Greek artisans demonstrated technical virtuosity in creating ornate designs like beechnut pendants, acanthus leaf motifs, and Herakles knots.

Following Persian fashion, bracelets were often worn in pairs, and jewelry frequently came in matched sets. Many pieces featured inlays of pearls and gems—emeralds, garnets, carnelians, banded agates, sardonyx, chalcedony, and rock crystal. Artisans also incorporated colorful enamel inlays that created dramatic contrast with intricate gold settings. Decorative elements often featured plant and animal motifs or referenced Aphrodite and Eros. Airborne winged figures, including Eros, Nike, and Zeus's eagle carrying Ganymede to Mount Olympus, were popular earring designs.

The megalomisthoi represented a striking anomaly in a society where women typically had limited economic agency. Their ability to accumulate wealth, influence cultural and political affairs, and maintain personal independence offers a complex counterpoint to conventional narratives of gender in ancient Athens.

NOTABLE HETERAE

Aspasia of Miletus

• Companion to the Athenian statesman Pericles

• Renowned for legendary charm, beauty, and rhetorical skill

• Reportedly taught rhetoric and influenced Pericles’ famous Funeral Oration

• Actively involved in public policy discussions

• Targeted by comic dramatists for her political influence

Phryne

• Possibly the wealthiest and most famous hetaira of Ancient Greece

• Lover and muse of sculptor Praxiteles and orator Hyperides

• Model for Praxiteles’s Knidian Aphrodite and Apelles’s Aphrodite Rising from the Sea

• Allegedly funded the rebuilding of Thebes’ city walls after Alexander the Great’s destruction

• Celebrated for her legendary beauty and generosity

• Symbol of both sensuality and civic pride

COURTESANS AS OBJET

Like courtesans, fine objects were designed to appeal to educated tastes and to stand apart from ordinary commodities. Their value derived not just from their materials but from the human skill and artistic judgment embedded in them—qualities that collectors learned to recognize and appreciate through cultural education.

In both cases, the final "product" represented an “ideal” synthesis of “natural” beauty and cultural refinement, offering a sensory experience elevated above the ordinary and accessible only to those with sufficient wealth and discernment. As Pierre Bordieu said in his groundbreaking work “Distinction”-“The 'eye' is a product of history reproduced by education.”

Like blue chip art environments, the courtesan economy operated on principles of scarcity and connoisseurship. The most successful courtesans limited their availability, carefully selected their clients, and maintained an aura of exclusivity that justified their exceptional prices. Their value increased through association with prominent men, creating feedback loops of desirability and social validation.

The most evident parallel between courtesans and objets d'art is their function as embodiments of cultural capital. Just as a picssso or a Rembrandt conveys and represents cultural knowledge and aesthetic refinement made material, the courtesan's body and being were sites where cultural capital was literally embodied.

Using Pierre Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital and Dashaun Harris framework of desire capital and desire/ability politics helps us to understand the courtesan's unique economic and social position.

As Harris argues, “Being fuckable is determined by someone other than ourselves, and therefore it is completely about whether or not others are able to locate desire in you.” The courtesan’s value was thus fundamentally determined by external validation rather than intrinsic worth—a situation that both enabled and constrained her agency within patriarchal systems.

This understanding of beauty as currency helps explain the elaborate practices of bodily transformation and presentation found in courtesan cultures worldwide. From the white-lead makeup and elaborate kimono of the Japanese oiran to the careful cultivation of wit and charm by the Greek hetaerae, these practices represented investments in desire capital designed to increase market value and extend professional longevity.

In patriarchal economies of desire, beauty functions as a form of currency—a convertible asset that can be exchanged for material resources, social access, and limited forms of power. The courtesan’s “beauty”, carefully cultivated and displayed, which is predicated on structural violence represented her primary form of capital within this economy.

Within this economy, beauty becomes a form of currency, desire becomes a marketplace, and the line between person and possession becomes deliberately blurred.

The structural parallels between courtesans and objets d'art reveal the operation of desirability politics —

The consequences of this system extend beyond the specific case of courtesans to influence broader cultural attitudes toward women, beauty, and value.

When female worth becomes primarily aesthetic, that is, measured in terms of visual pleasure provided rather than contributions made, women's social position becomes inherently precarious, tied to physical attributes that inevitably change over time and remain subject to evaluative standards they cannot control.

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OBJET! PT 2: COURTESANS AS OBJET | GREECE & JAPAN